26 | SMALLHOLDER DIARIES respectively)­ –any households in both countries also wanted to purchase their own farm euipment (”” percent and Ÿ’ percent in aistan and Œan—ania, respectively), educate their children (“” percent and ““ percent in aistan and Œan—ania, respectively), and support their children in achieving their future goals (“” percent and …¢ percent in aistan and Œan—ania, respectively), which speas to the multiple ob„ectives and trade-offs facing smallholder households­ ew respondents from the –o—ambiue sample could envision a life outside of agriculture in the next few years (” percent) or were attracted to the possi- bility of migrating to the city (Ÿ” percent)­ Œhe largely noncommercial small- holders in the –o—ambiue sample voiced concern with meeting their most basic needs—food and shelter—and considered the main advantage of woring in agriculture the guarantee of providing at least a minimum level of food for their family­ Œhe thought of not being able to mae this contribution to their survival worried them­ Œhe Smallholder ‰iaries sample in –o—ambiue may have been less attracted to migration out of agriculture due to limited alterna- tives to earn income, modest levels of education, and few social connections outside the village­ ªespondents in the Œan—ania and aistan samples also had limited desire to leave agriculture­ ¦nly • percent and ž percent, respectively, envisioned them- selves woring primarily outside of agriculture within the next five to …’ years, and ‘Ÿ percent and Ÿ¡ percent, respectively, would move to urban areas if finan- cial constraints were not an issue­ amilies in the Œan—ania and aistan Small- holder ‰iaries shared a range of reasons why they stayed in agriculture and remained in rural areas­ Œhe sample of smallholders in Œan—ania felt that people in urban areas had access to everything, such as health care, education, and very important social services, but they viewed life in the city as full of “bad influ- ences­” €n the rural areas, it was also “easier to get food” and “everything is cheaper­” €n addition, rural areas were “all € now” for many respondents­ €n aistan, one smallholder in the sample explained that nonfarming „obs were not guaranteed “™hether you have a „ob or not, whether you have a business or not, you can mae do with the land­” ˆnother explained that he doesn’t have the sills reuired for other „obs­ “™e don’t have other options­ € have been doing this wor my whole life­ € am an expert in farming­” ƒooing to the future, not everyone wanted their children to follow their footsteps into agriculture, despite their own desire to eep woring in agricul- tural production­ Œhe ma„ority of the –o—ambiue sample wanted all or some of their children to continue farming (¡” percent), while a smaller proportion of the Œan—ania and aistan samples did so (‘“ percent and ”’ percent, respec- tively) (see igure “)­ amilies that wanted their children to pursue other activ- ities emphasi—ed that nonfarming „obs could provide a steadier or higher income source, which also reflected that households were relying on multiple sources of income and not only on their agricultural production­

Financial Diaries with Smallholder Families - Page 38 Financial Diaries with Smallholder Families Page 37 Page 39
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY METHODOLOGY SAMPLE DEMOGRAPHICS
CHAPTERS
1. Income Sources 2. Patterns Of Agricultural Production 3. Income Volatility & Agricultural Production 4. Risk Mitigation 5. Household Financial Portfolios 6. Access To Mobile Phones 7. Implications For Financial Solutions
APPENDIX